Tag: bail reform

  • Bail Reform — Again

    Bail Reform — Again

    The Bail Reform Act of 1966 was the first major overhaul of America’s bail system since 1789, the same year the USA introduced the bill of rights.

    The 1789 law specified those types of crimes which were bailable and set limits on a judge’s discretion when setting bail.

    Now, the concept of bail is under reform again.

    The idea of bail takes up an uneasy spot in America’s language of justice. Day after day in courthouses everywhere, judges set high bail amounts and defendants tell their attorneys, “I can afford that.”

    Things are changing. Recently, Maryland became the latest jurisdiction to say a defendant should be placed behind bars merely because they couldn’t afford bail. The reform is past overdue.

    When a jurist sets bail, the accused must hand over the money or remain in jail. Bail’s purpose is to make sure the defendant shows for trial. If he skips out, the money is forfeited. The process is logical and comes with a long history. Time has made the flaws apparent.

    Maryland Takes A Typical Approach

    Around 7 million people are put behind bars every year simply because of their inability to cover bail. The cost of keeping them jailed is as high as $9 million. The current bail system places the indigent at a disadvantage, and they are less apt to get the funds to remain free until trial. Racial differences in bail proceedings are documented, so thoroughly no citation is needed.

    The bail reform movement, around for decades, has started to make progress. As many as a dozen states seeking to limit bond to cases where the prosecution provides “clear and convincing evidence” the defendant will not keep their date in court and is a danger to the community.

    The approach Maryland took is typical. As of Jul 1, a judicial  official may not require a financial position “in form or amount that ends with the pretrial detention of the accused merely because the accused is incapable of adhering to the economic conditions.” In other words, the judge has to consider the accused’s resources. The poorer the defendant, the lower the bail.

    Opponents worry that people once held in jail awaiting trial will not be on the street committing other crimes. The fear is understandable but irrational. The solution isn’t to keep millions of unconvicted defendant’s behind bars. In America’s system of jurisprudence, the purpose of bail is not crime prevention.The purpose is to make sure defendants appear for trial.

    Judges are not good at predicting which defendants are apt to re-offend while waiting for their trial date. In Washington D.C. where suspects in nonviolent crimes are regularly released without bail, 90% return for trial. Only 1% commit a violent crime while waiting for a court date.

    Bail reform proposals, including Maryland’s, leaves room for jurists to mandate pretrial detention for individuals considered a threat to others. High bail can still be set for people deemed to be a high flight risk. The difference? Defendants will no longer wait in jail just for being poor.

    What Happens To People Of Color?

    Non-white defendants are less prone to be granted bail. The ones that are given bail opportunities typically have their bail set at unaffordable levels. This injustice places them into the class which judges treat harshly and creates a class that is mostly nonwhite.

    Fair or not, the bail industry has carried a less-than-stellar reputation. Opponents of commercial bonding claim that despite bail agents earning billions of dollars every year, the return to public safety is minuscule.

    The industry does provide a valuable service, and there is evidence that the existence of the bonding industry eliminates a significant part of racial discrimination.

    But the advantages persist only as long as the bail system exists. As more courts adopt various forms of bail reform, the bail bondsmen’s work becomes less valuable.

  • Some States Want Bail Bond Reform

    Some States Want Bail Bond Reform

    Someone said, “justice delayed is justice denied.” If legal relief is possible, but not delivered promptly, it is the same as no justice at all.

    For America’s indigent, justice has been denied for decades.

    Lyndon Johnson pushed Congress to approve the Bail Reform Act of 1966. The believed the law would be a model for states which failed to modify their bail and bond policies.

    “Too often, we lock up people for months and years — even before getting their day in court,” Johnson told Capitol Hill lawmakers.

    Johnson’s legislation required federal judges to review an individual’s neighborhood ties and criminal history and measure against hazards of pretrial freedom.

    Signing the bill, Johnson praised the bill and called it the “door of a new era” in criminal justice.

    Five decades later, few states have passed the finish line. Using cash bond is still the primary practice and comes with dire consequences for persons too poor to buy their freedom.

    Only a small number of states eliminated monetary bail. Some are thinking of changes and others look the other way. States have been hesitant to own reform in the bail system, and multiple lawsuits have been filed to trigger changes.

    In November, Dennis Herrera, a San Francisco City Lawyer called for the abolition of cash bill for indigent defendants and said he would not defend the city against a lawsuit filed which challenges the requirement of bail before arraignment.

    New Mexico

    Also in November, New Mexico called for a constitutional amendment to modify the state bail system. The Amendment would give New Mexico judges the power to deny bail when prosecutors give evidence a defendant is too dangerous to be free while waiting for trial. The bill prohibits confinement of offenders who aren’t found to be threatening or a flight risk.

    Improving New Mexico’s bail arrangement is part of a broader campaign to change criminal justice policies disproportionately harming the poor.

    Nevada

    The cash bail system hasn’t changed in Nevada. When a person is arrested in The Silver State, they are booked into jail. A judge determines a bond amount ranging from $100 to hundreds of thousands — if not more. The Arrestee’s ability to pay is not considered. Neither is the potential of the arrestee being a flight risk.

    Some bail bond companies try to keep some humanity about their work. “We do the best we can to help our clients, but our hands are tied by the courts,” said Adam Plumer.

  • Potential Change in Nevada’s Bail System Could End Discrimination

    Potential Change in Nevada’s Bail System Could End Discrimination

    Significant changes within Nevada’s bonding system could be in effect statewide soon. Once that occurs,  Nevada shall be discriminating. That’s not a evil thing. The pretrial liberation program, being examined in several Nevada counties, is radically different. The courts have ordered an attempt be made to lesson bail inequities. Nevada has entered the movement by permitting testing of the new method.

    Most individuals are acquainted with how bond is presently managed. A judge determines a dollar figure determined by the grimness of the offense someone is accused of. As months can pass before a trial takes place, detainees who can pay bail may be released by handing over cash or working with a licensed agent. Indigent detainees are stuck behind bars and stand to lose jobs, homes and families.

    The new method will ascertain if an arrestee meets bonding criteria or is freed premised on the prospect of their keeping their court date. Detainees are questioned and their release is based on their answers.

    There are various reasons why a new system may help justice function better.

    Bond outlay determined by the crime does not consider the capability of the accused to pay. This leaves the justice system favoring the wealthy over the destitute. Drug dealers, commonly with piles of cash, can bond out despite being a danger or flight risk.

    “Our judges traditionally set bail blindly,” Taylor Barton, a Las Vegas bail bonds agent said.

    “Someone comes to court; bond is determined and often the individual waits in jail for their day in court date. The jurists don’t distinguish if the detainee is a danger to society or not. Many people lose their jobs and homes because they’ve been forced to remain in jail.”

    A test application in Clark, Washoe and White Pine counties has seen judges assessing pretrial release determined by evidence and risk evaluation instead. There is no guarantee the application will be used in additional jurisdictions, but it can be expected. Courts in various states have already adopted the program.

    Nevada’s risk evaluation involves questioning whether the detainee has been detained “numerous” times for drug or alcohol-related offenses. The answers are scored from 0-11 and the answers can be weighted for various purposes, such as the offender being a gang member.

    The biggest pushback has come from bail bondsmen who may lose a significant portion of their profit as more persons are released without bail.

    Nevada’s judicial authorities have been prudent to build a system founded on input from specialists as well as direct comments from the model program.

  • Bail-reform May Help Poor

    Bail-reform May Help Poor

    Tom Chudz had been enjoying his retirement as he drove his Airstream 190 around America.

    One night in New Mexico, while Tom slept, the local sheriff and his deputies came knocking

    Sniffing booze on Tom’s breath, the deputies arrested him believing he had been driving and drinking. Someone had plowed into a Toyota just down the road at a truck stop and law enforcement just “knew” it had to be Tom. Even though they hadn’t seen Tom driving, they processed him into Metro Detention Center in Albuquerque.

    Tom’s cash, billfold and credit cards were back in the trailer. He couldn’t post bond, so he stayed in jail for 33 days.

    “I didn’t have any option but to remain there,” Chudz recently told reporters. Despite the drunk driving charges being eventually dropped, Chudz hasn’t had it easy since getting out.

    His Airstream was taken — with everything in it — when he couldn’t pay the impound costs. For the next three months, Chudz stayed in homeless programs around Albuquerque.

    Accounts like these are motivating state legislators to rework state constitutions to change the application of bond for arrestees waiting for trial. In New Mexico, the law’s prototype won the backing of 87% of citizens in the latest voting.

    New Mexico joined numerous American jurisdictions starting to put risk-based practices of pre-trial detention into place. Pre-trial detention is almost universally seen as fairer and a more efficient option to conventional cash bail.

    Reformers are arguing that typical bond practices leave poor individuals locked up as their affluent counterparts are released. Frequently a judge sets bail based on the accusations a prisoner faces and doesn’t review the arrestee’s criminal past or economic ability to post bail.

    “It is not an honest way of holding persons,” said Leo Romero who chaired a committee chosen by the New Mexico Supreme Court to spearhead the state’s bail reform.

    Governmental numbers reveal in 2009 33 percent of felony arrestees in urban counties remain in jail since they can’t post collateral. The average cost of bond was $25K, and that charge is especially piercing for impoverished defendants.

    Since 2015, various governmental courts have decided the application of monetary bail for indigent persons is unconstitutional. In November 2016 San Francisco’s city attorney decided against defending the city’s bail arrangement facing an objection brought by Equal Justice Under Law.

    Recently many cities and states have decided to look at risk-based options to bond. For instance, if an amendment similar to New Mexico’s is approved in Nevada, judges will be forbidden from keeping low-risk detainees who can’t make bail if:

    • They present little menace or threat, and
    • They are apt to arrive for scheduled court dates

    Nevada may also adopt a rule proposed by Romero’s bail-reform group. If adopted, judges will be required to discharge low-level arrestees who have been accused of petty crimes and not detained within the prior twenty-four months.

    Courts are reviewing a risk-assessment application from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation.

    A computer based program scans the offender records, present charges and the defendant’s age to compute customized flight and risk scores to manage pre-trial decisions regarding release. The software is gaining favor with jurisdictions nationally and has been adopted by 29 cities and states including Charlotte, Arizona, New Jersey and Chicago.

    With risk scores in their hand, judges may release low or medium-risk defendants on their own recognizance. Six states — Nevada, Colorado, Hawaii, New Jersey, Vermont and West Virginia — also